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These days showcase a quite unusual occurrence: the first-ever US parade of the babysitters. Their attributes range in their expertise and traits, but they all have the identical goal – to stop an Israeli breach, or even destruction, of the fragile ceasefire. After the hostilities ended, there have been rare days without at least one of Donald Trump’s envoys on the territory. Just this past week saw the presence of Jared Kushner, Steve Witkoff, JD Vance and Marco Rubio – all arriving to perform their duties.

The Israeli government engages them fully. In just a few short period it initiated a wave of operations in the region after the deaths of two Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers – resulting, as reported, in dozens of local fatalities. Several officials demanded a restart of the war, and the Knesset passed a early measure to incorporate the West Bank. The US stance was somewhere ranging from “no” and “hell no.”

Yet in various respects, the Trump administration appears more concentrated on maintaining the current, unstable stage of the peace than on progressing to the following: the reconstruction of Gaza. Concerning this, it looks the United States may have ambitions but little tangible proposals.

Currently, it is unclear at what point the planned multinational administrative entity will actually take power, and the similar applies to the proposed military contingent – or even the composition of its members. On a recent day, a US official stated the United States would not impose the membership of the international force on Israel. But if the prime minister's administration continues to refuse one alternative after another – as it acted with the Ankara's proposal lately – what happens then? There is also the reverse point: who will decide whether the units favoured by Israel are even interested in the assignment?

The issue of the duration it will take to demilitarize Hamas is similarly vague. “Our hope in the leadership is that the international security force is intends to at this point take the lead in neutralizing Hamas,” said Vance this week. “It’s going to take a period.” The former president only highlighted the ambiguity, stating in an interview recently that there is no “rigid” deadline for Hamas to lay down arms. So, hypothetically, the unidentified elements of this yet-to-be-formed international force could arrive in the territory while the organization's members still wield influence. Are they dealing with a leadership or a guerrilla movement? These are just a few of the questions surfacing. Others might question what the result will be for ordinary residents in the present situation, with the group persisting to target its own adversaries and dissidents.

Recent incidents have afresh emphasized the blind spots of Israeli media coverage on the two sides of the Gazan frontier. Each outlet strives to examine all conceivable perspective of Hamas’s breaches of the truce. And, typically, the reality that Hamas has been hindering the repatriation of the bodies of slain Israeli hostages has dominated the coverage.

By contrast, coverage of non-combatant casualties in Gaza stemming from Israeli strikes has obtained minimal attention – if at all. Take the Israeli retaliatory strikes after Sunday’s Rafah occurrence, in which a pair of military personnel were killed. While local sources claimed dozens of deaths, Israeli media analysts criticised the “moderate response,” which focused on only installations.

This is not new. During the previous weekend, the media office alleged Israel of violating the ceasefire with Hamas multiple times since the agreement came into effect, causing the death of dozens of individuals and injuring another many more. The allegation appeared insignificant to most Israeli news programmes – it was simply missing. That included accounts that eleven individuals of a Palestinian family were killed by Israeli troops last Friday.

Gaza’s emergency services said the group had been trying to go back to their dwelling in the a Gaza City district of the city when the bus they were in was fired upon for allegedly passing the “boundary” that demarcates territories under Israeli military control. That yellow line is unseen to the ordinary view and is visible only on plans and in official documents – sometimes not obtainable to ordinary residents in the area.

Yet that occurrence scarcely received a reference in Israeli media. Channel 13 News referred to it shortly on its digital site, referencing an IDF representative who stated that after a questionable vehicle was detected, troops shot alerting fire towards it, “but the transport kept to approach the soldiers in a way that posed an direct risk to them. The soldiers opened fire to eliminate the risk, in line with the truce.” Zero injuries were stated.

With such narrative, it is understandable a lot of Israeli citizens think Hamas exclusively is to blame for infringing the peace. That view risks encouraging appeals for a stronger approach in the region.

Sooner or later – perhaps sooner than expected – it will not be sufficient for US envoys to take on the role of supervisors, telling the Israeli government what to avoid. They will {have to|need