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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune trading camels and gold. Today, his RSF militia control nearly half of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a notable triumph by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the final military stronghold in the Darfur area.

Hated and dreaded by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his loyalists for his ruthlessness and his pledge to dismantle the corrupt state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arab group that spans Chad and Darfur.

Born around 1974, as is common in remote regions, his exact birth details were not officially registered.

Led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan moved to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, fleeing conflict and in search of greener pastures.

Initial Ventures

After leaving school in his adolescence, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, ignored by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid raided villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

In response, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's unit was among them, implicated in destroying the village of Adwa in November 2004, killing 126 people, among them 36 children.

International inquiries concluded that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Calculated Moves

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his rise to become leader of a powerful paramilitary force, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, requesting back-pay for his soldiers, advancements, and a political position for his sibling. Bashir granted most of his demands.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that defeated them, taking over Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his business venture Al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Formalizing Power

By 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained formal status as head of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

International Connections

The RSF fought in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba region, and took on a contract to guard the border with Libya.

Supposedly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE asked Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

His ties with the UAE proved highly significant, beginning a close relationship with UAE officials.

Growing Power

Recruits trekked to RSF recruiting centers for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with the Russian Wagner organization, receiving training in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in gold.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

With rising demonstrations, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, nicknaming him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, when protesters demanded democracy, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.

For a time, Hemedti was hailed as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and reportedly drowned men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Under foreign pressure, the military and civil leaders reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for several years.

Ongoing War

As an investigation started looking into military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti ousted the government and seized power.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF come under army command. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in the capital. The attempted putsch failed, and violence broke out across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit people.

The UN estimates up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the US describing it genocide.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired advanced arms, including sophisticated drones, used to strike Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the assault on el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a deadlock with the national military.

Hemedti has formed a rival administration, the "Government of Peace and Unity", appointing himself leader.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now holds almost all populated areas in western Sudan.

Following reports of mass killings, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations committed by his fighters.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to rule all of Sudan.

Alternatively, he may become a behind-the-scenes power broker, controlling a vast network of interests.

While Hemedti's troops continue atrocities in el-Fasher, he seems assured of impunity in a global community that overlooks.